Thursday, May 28, 2015

Metaphysical representation of folk drama in educational structure: an Ethnographic Reading on Discourse of Bentota Kolam Drama -Saman M Kariyakarawana



Metaphysical representation of folk drama in educational structure: an Ethnographic Reading on Discourse of Bentota Kolam Drama
Saman M Kariyakarawan
Abstract
            Language comprises signs. The sign is divided into two parts i.e. concept and sound form. In writing visual sound forms are used. Those sound forms can produce figures of concepts in our mind. In this conceptualization it is not necessary to have a direct relation between the relevant object or objective nature and the concept. Accordingly the relation between the realm of concept and the physical world is arbitrary. It is according to this Saussure’s concept that Metaphysical academic discourse on Kolam drama is examined. The research involved herein relates to matching of the metaphysical series of concepts of Bentota contemporary Kolam with its reality. 
            “They say even in Bentota there are Kolam dramas” is a statement Sarachchandra made in 1968, and subsequently followed by many an individual without verifying its truth. But no all night full Kolam drama has been staged since 1963. Dramas they call “Tītar cum Kolam” was there in Bentota in 1970s. It is impossible to identify them as Kolam. The present study discloses the inconsistency between the discourse of Bentota Kolam Drama and its reality. This research is carried out on the basis of information collected by means of snowball method through discussions held with veteran residents of Bentota, artists involved in drama; individuals took part in old Kolam dramas and through the experience itself of the present co-writer who has been living in Bentota for about 40 years. This study which is an ethnographic investigation pays particular attention to experience of individuals. Data found in this study open to multifarious reading is thus not focused only on the object of the study. According to what has been found through the information collected there has not been a full performance of Kolam drama staged in Bentota since 1963. During the period 1963 to about 1980 parts of performance of Kolam along with Noorti or some times for the purpose of contests or else as a part of Kassapa Dalada Perahera (procession of the Tooth of kassapa thero) have been produced. By 1989 Bentota Kolam was confined to Nāga rāssa performance. Bentota Kolam after 1989 died out. Though there are two Kolam artists still living in Bentota and are engaged in staging them they do not continue the characteristic Bentota Kolam tradition. The method they adopt is a picturesque style characteristic of Ambalangoda.Though various students are still in the habit of making contributions on a Bentota Kolam drama it had already died some 6 decades ago and what is found today is just its remnants only.

Key words: Bentota, Berava caste, Kolam, Kommala, Govigama caste,Sarachchandra.




Approach
            Once phenomena and movements of the physical world are translated into language they become a part of culture. Language assists man to understand the material and immaterial world and to control them. In consequence language becomes one of the major implements of culture. Let us consider, two of the most important characteristics of the language i.e.,
1.      Language is a system of signs
2.      Lack of logical relation between signs of language and substance or movements belong to those signs.
As Ferdinand De Saussure has shown (Saussure,1999: 66-67) language is a process of inventing names. Assigning a name to every substance, movement, concept, thought and feeling is the process of inventing names. The name thus given can be called as the sign. The sign is also divided into two, i.e. concept and sound image. A sound image can instantly create concept in mind. But it differs as per context. For instance, whatever concept is created in the mind the sound figure “Ibba” (tortoise) depends on what context it is used. If context is marked as “The tortoise steps into the water” then the concept forms will be “a quadruped amphibian”. The Sinhala “Ibba” is used also for Padlock. So meaning of the word “Ibba” depends on its context.
            The second feature of language is having the relation between sound figure and concept been arbitrary. It is a consensus that occurs in a culture. Everybody who speaks Sinhala unanimously agrees and calls a particular object as “gasa”. According to the English man’s consensus that object is called “tree”. So it is the arbitrariness due to which there are various sound images for one particular concept. Moreover, there is no relationship between concepts made by man or between objects on which signified concept is based. Therefore, what we call language is a thing which somewhat mislead you, a thing which make you go astray. To turn something into language means to make its reality subject to definition. There may not be whatsoever a relationship between its definitions and the reality. By employing language a given phenomenon can be subjected to a reading which in reality has whatsoever nothing to do with that particular event. This can be identified as the creative quality of the language.   
            Literary studies were esteemed as a disciplinary technique in 19th & 20th Centuries. Even in Sri Lanka almost in every field of learning various academic researches and studies were carried out. Knowledge produced at a certain period through data collected out of field work becomes obsolete within a short time. It is a characteristic common to all studies of humanities. The reason for such nature is the dynamic condition inherent in humanity. In order to prevent from knowledge going obsolete constant fieldwork in those disciplines should be continued. Those researches should be carried out systematically and accurately. It is important that researchers also should be done by matured scholars.
            “Literary studies” done through near reading of literature produced on the basis of previous researches are not reliable. The secondary knowledge produced out of stuff referred to above already used and defined seems to be more prejudicial. Thus stuff produced by so called researchers based on texts written by pioneers in folk dramas of Sri Lanka such as Sarachchandra is to a great extent misleading.  Re-creations done through language by their very nature give false impressions and for a third party to re-create yet another creation based on that particular re-creation is really a laughingstock which is infect the object of the current research. With a view to deconstructing academic discourse on the Bentota Kolam is being done through this chapter employing ethnographic sources.    
Research problem
            Many an academic study done on Kolam makes mention of the fact that the Kolam drama occurs in Bentota. The author of this study however has never seen or heard that there exists the Kolam in Bentota where he has been born and bred. But two studies published in year 2000 too say that the Kolam art is found in Bentota. These contemporary scholars depend on the studies carried out by pioneer researchers of the Kolam.
            The major academic problem that is intended to solve through this study is this dilemma. Namely had there been a Kolam tradition in Bentota? If there had been one when did it disappear? Does Kolam drama still occur in Bentota? To what extent is the body of knowledge pertaining to Kolam introduced by the pioneer researchers accurate? What is the repercussion of the absence of up-to-date knowledge in respect of the topic in question? These are the issues that this study intends to solve. It is the influence of the cultural campaign of the Middle class moulded in 40-60 decades and which subsequently exerted in turn on the study of culture and in particular on the sphere of folk drama which forms the essential foundation of the present study.
            The investigation comes into contact with the aftermath of the cultural campaign heralded in 1956 which paved the way for the creation of the so called academic discourse known as folk drama and the nature of its underlying prejudicial effects.
Study area
            This exploration is based on the Bentota (or  Bentara) Village committee area (Map7.1) of the Divisional Secretariat of Bentota in Galle District, Southern Province of Sri Lanka. The area is bounded by the Bentara River in the north by the river Deddu in the east by Induruwa Village Committee area in the south and by the Indian Ocean in the west.
Literary Reviews
            It was through his work titled “the Sinhala Gämi Nātakaya” (Sinhalese Folk Play) that Ediriweera Sarachchandra who had been engaged himself in the task of creating an indigenous tradition of Sinhalese dramatic art associated with the folk play has introduced the Gämi Nātaka to the study of dramatic art.  It was published in 1968. The work titled “The Sinhalese Folk Play” came out in 1952 was republished by him in 1966 under the title “The Folk Drama of Ceylon”. What he published under the title “the Sinhala Gämi Nātakaya” in Sinhala in the 1968 comprised the very same material found in previously mentioned two works but in a reoriented form. This book strictly had to do with the study of dramatic art and dramaturgy. In the work especially discussed topics were the characteristic features found in the Grämīya Sāntikarma (rural rituals), dramatic Pelapāli (parades) embodied in rituals, Kolam (mockery), Kavi nādagam (kind of play accompanying verse), the Sokari (a kind of dance), the Nādagam and rūkada (puppetry) etc.
            Sarachchandra has added to the Sinhala version what he had not expressed in 1952 and 1966. While describing the places where the Kolam occurred at that time he says “among the groups who keep on performing the Kolam it is the two groups from Ambalangoda and the one from Udupila, Mirissa I now(1999:95). Whilst giving an account of Kolam groups in other areas he says thus: “Ändi sinno Gurunnānsē of Pokunuwita also has a set of Kōlam (Kōlam Kuttama) and a group. Further it is said that there are “Kōlam Kandāyam” (Kolam groups) even in Bentara and Nākulugamuwa”(do: 95). Accordingly what can be gathered from his statement is that the reference he made to the existence of Kolam in Nākulugamuwa and Bentota is mere hearsay. This rumor of Kolam expressed  by Sarachchandra has aroused a serious solicitude among the succeeding scholars. The work titled “Kōlam Nātaka Sāhitya” (“The literature of Mockery drama”) of M. H. Goonatilleke published in the same year, i.e. in 1968 discloses even the names of many a kolam artists living in Sri Lanka. He gives a long description of the regions and villages where the Kōlam has been spread.
“The Kōlam is restricted to lowlands. Even out of them the under mentioned regions are of special importance. Southern Province and Western Province Kolam Nätum (mockery dramas) have been very common since ancient times in the districts of Galle and Matara in Southern Province and Kalutara and Panadura Districts in Western Province. Even in some of the regions of the Colombo district, this kind of drama was present.
Villages famous for Kōlam dance are given below:
            Bentara
            Kōmmala                 Bentara region
            Suddagoda

            In addition to Bentara, regions such as Mirissa, Ambalangoda, Raigama Kōralaya and Alutgama region, Vigada region, Gampaha area have been given by him. Even the names of artists in each of these regions have been given. He also presents the list of names of those artists who were in Bentara. Even some names of famous Kolam dancers from Bentara are given below.
“Nandā Gurunansē  and Enda Gurunnanse of Bentara Amarasena Gurunnanse of Suddagoda. Dāni Gurunnanse of Bentara A. Jayasekara of Kommala Dabicha Gurunnānse, K. Ōgiri Gurunnānse of Mīgama K. Saranēlis Fernando of Mīgama L. V. Pinda Gurunnānse of Mīgama” (1967:10)
            It proved impossible to trace and identify some of these persons. Though reference is made to a person called A. Jayasekara on the other hand no mention is made to the three Thēmis Jayasekara, Jinadasa Jayasekara and Sirisena Jayasekara who are associated with Kōlam dance. And Vilbert Galbada Arachchi says that Amarasa Gurunnānse did not take part in Kolam. (2014.05.17) hence this list is contradictory.
            It is possible to conjecture that the account given by M.H. Goonatilleka of the Kōlam drama in Bentara would have been prepared by one without visiting the locality and obtaining some information from a certain artist. In spite of the fact that mention is made to Amarasē Gurunnānsē who was famous in that locality on the other hand no reference has been made to equally famous Sudda Gurunnānsē who tack part in Kōlam. Moreover, this work doesn’t contain any mention of the talented Davonis Gurunnānsē, the mask maker of Suddagoda. Almost all the important artists of Bentara who were responsible for the Kolam art have been omitted from Goonatilleke’s list. 1967 was the period of decline of the Kolam art in Bentota. Although many of those artists who had taken part in Kolam were still alive at that time no researcher has put in writing information obtaining from such important persons. K. G. Amarasekara studying Kolam in the year 2002 mentioned the three names of villages Suddagoda, Kōmmala and Tundūwa treating them as localities where up to recent part there had been Kolam. (Amarasekara, K. G. 2002:23). He notes that by the time he was engaged in the study he found no performance of Kolam in progress (do: 24). Tunduwa and Suddagoda are two traditional villages of Berava (Drummer) caste. In both these villages Kolam artists had lived.
            But in spite of the above fact it was only the Jayasekara family of Kōmmala which had possessed a set of Kōlam. The group which organized and performed Kolam drama at Bentota were only Themis of Kōmmala and the Jinadasa Jayasekera. Even he wrote of Amarasekara’s descriptions of Kolam just through unconfirmed reports.
            Ariyaratne Kaluarachchi publishing a book on Kolam drama in 2006 repeating the same form of words of M. H. Goonatilleka says that there is Kolam drama in Bentota. (Kaluarachchi, A 2006:6) Jayasena Kottegoda studying Kolam drama in the year 2006 too says that the Kolam drama is found even in Bentara (2006).
            As nobody has yet authoritatively intervened in so as to carry out an investigation into the history and the present state of Kolam Drama of Bentota it is hoped that the present study will fulfill that need. Furthermore, it is also hoped that the present step will help bring to an end compilation of information which tend to mislead especially the beginner with regard to the topic Kolam drama of Bentota.
Methodology of study:
Discussions held with those artists who took part in Kolam dramas of Bentota both in the past as well as in visual entertainments accompanied by Kolam subsequently staged and again discussions held with a still living few important eyewitnesses of both kind of shows referred to above are presented here in their own words.
This can be treated as a methodology employed in ethnographic studies. The study area of this research happens to be the place where the researcher of the present study has lived for the last 40 years. It is an unusual exploration and it serves in both capacities as a member himself has become a participant. There are two professional artists of dancing who still make performance. Discussions held with those two artists are also included here. Snowball method was employed to pick up those who were interviewed. Snowball method is the way of interviewing appropriate individuals based on the information furnished by the first person and so on. Accordingly it is the first person which suggests the second person to be interviewed. The characteristic feature of this method is that the body of information gathered gradually increases like a snowball. Not only the information gathered through discussions but also other details not so relevant yet important to the study in some respects have been shown but separately. All the information pertaining to the study, i.e. results of discussions, facts collected by means of literary sources, details gathered from web sites and telephone conversations have been accurately and qualitatively analyzed.
Qualitative Discussions:
Discussion 1:
 Prasanna Abeywardana (69 years) 2014: 02.08 Galbada, Aturuwella, Former President of all Ceylon Grāma Niladhāri Association, English educated and represents upper Middle class. “I got my appointment as Grama Niladhāri of Bentara - Pahurumulla Division when Mr. Karannagoda was the D. R. O. in 1963. Mr. Karannagoda was a true benefactor of the rural development movement. He held a handicraft exhibition of the Rural Development Movement at the college grounds of Gamini Maha Vidyalaya Bentota. It accompanied a cultural show. A cultural programme called “Kalāmuluva” (Art Circle) was held at the college ground of Gamini Vidyalaya. At this show artists from localities called Tunduwa and Suddagoda made dance performances. Among those dances were “Yak nätum” (Devil dances). In 1966 Mr. M.V.D. Chandraratne, the D.R.O. launched a programme to uplift the artists. Those programmes comprised lectures and performances. It was Bolin Gurunnānse of Dampällagoda (in Dope G.S. division) who presented folk dances at those programmes. Many an artist from Suddagoda took part in it. During my time except a few “Rāssa Nätum” (dancing performed by those disguised themselves as demons) I have not seen a full performance of a Kolam nätuma (mockery dance in its entirety).
Discussion 2:
D. Erālis (69 yrs) 23.02.2014 Suddagoda, Bentota of the Beravā (drummer) caste. Though he represents the class of the poor and that of the illiterate he is an exceptionally gifted artist.
            It was Themis Jayasekara who collaborated with Kolam at Bentota. He died 30 years ago. His son Jinadasa Jayasekara died about 5 years ago. Sirisena Jayasekara who died was a victim of 1989 violence1. Those who worked together producing Kolam are no more. Kolam dances were presented at the fun fair organized by Mr. Karannagoda at Gamini School Bentota in 1960s. There were only a few Yak Nātum (devil dances) like Garā yakā (Devil called Garā), Nāga kanyā (Virgin Nāga snake) etc. I also carved masks for 15 years. It was from Batuwita that the Kolam masks were brought to Kōmmala. There are sets of Kolam in Batuwita. When I was about 25 a Kolam was staged at Randombē Temple, Ambalangoda. It was performed by Ariyapāla Gurunnānse. I remember the performance of Alavaka (devil dance) staged at Vanavāsa Temple, Bentota in about 1960. While the monk chanted the Alavaka Sūtra (one) who disguised himself as Alavaka (demon) performed the dance. In Suddagoda there were very many dancers at that time. K. S. Fernando worked at the Radio Ceylon. He died about 15 years ago. Herbert Dayāsīla, the son of Amarasa Gurunnānse was the disciple of both Sinda Gurunnānse of Tunduwa and Nanda Gurunnānse of Suddagoda. Nanda Gurunnānse was a good master of Bali (ritualistic offering to planets). There were numerous disciples of Amarasa Gurunnnānse. Among them Edin Gurunnānse, K.S. Fernando, Saraneris, Bolin and Sēdiris were the leading figures. Sediris was nicknamed Cooray. When he makes jumps he turns like a top. Because of it, those days when a woman conceived pots were offered on behalf of the semi god Kalu Kumāra. Once the child is born and the day he/she is given the first meal of rice (Sanniyakumak natala) having performed a devil dance called “Sanniyakuma” a “Kumāra pidēnna (an oblation) is offered to the divine being called Kalukumāraya. A gurunnānsē who performed a devil dance in 1960s was paid Rs. 300/-. A devil dance cost about Rs. 30000/-. The owner of the house where the dance was performed got an invitation printed and everybody known to him was invited. Invitees were offered tea. Even the rice was offered to those who were present as spectators in villages (villages of Tamil Gattara caste) such as Mahavila and Bondupitiya. Inhabitants of Ittäpāna performs a Pānmaduvak (ritual of lighting lamps) when the crop cutting and threshing is over. Still the Pānmaduwa is performed at every Ähäla Poya (Full Moon day of the month July) at the Devāle near the Bo tree in Dedduwa Junction. Every inhabitant in this village caught an epidemic when they once failed to perform the ritual consecutively, for two years.
Discussion 3:
 Diminguvāchāri Norbert (63yrs) 25.02.2014. Suddagoda, Bentota. Berava (drummer) caste, a skilled mask carver and drummer.
            My teacher is Erā Gurunnānse. The teacher of Erā Gurunnānse is Asa Gurunnānse. I have played drum for Kōlam drama of Ambalangoda. Sudda Gurunnānse played the drum for the set of Kolam for Ariyapla Gurunnānse of Ambalangoda. He also played the drum for Kolam dances of Kōmmala, Bentota. Those days there were so many famous Gurunnānsēs. Some of the leading Gurunnāses included Sudda Guru, Disā Guru, Panikkala, Sirimāris and Sēmāris. Sēmaris Gurunnānse was even one of my teachers. Both Erāks Gurunnānse and I myself are disciples of Sēmāris Guru. Jayanetti ancestry of Velipänna is descended from Sirimāris Gurunnānse who went there from here. Disā Gurunnānse went and settled down at somewhere Matugama. Amarasa Gurunnānse is one from Galle. He came here settled down and went on with his profession. These artists had work almost every day. Those days it was Simā Gurunnānse who cast horoscopes. He also made snana (traditional herbal shampoo) to cure malefic effects of Rāhu (The planet with cobra’s head) and Kētu (cobra’s tail). For malefic effects of the planets “Bali ambala Santikarma Karanava” – ritual images were moulded and ceremonial dances were performed. It was following the Ven. Ariyadhamma Thera of Pānadura since 1980s that the “Bodhi-pūja”- offerings to the Bodhi trees were introduced for malefic effects of the planets instead of the above astrological practices. Those days when “Baliyak kalāma”- a ritual image was molded and offered to the deities- the “ädura” (exorcist) was paid about 50 cents or Rs. 2/=.  On days when there is no work sambur heads and deer horns were carved and sold. It was since 1960s that the “tovil”- devil dances were introduced by way of (in the form of) displays. Those days yaknatum (devil dances) were not performed as displays.
            It was when I was about 13 that a Kōlam was performed in Kōmmala. Kolam dances were held on the ground of Gāmini (college) Bentara somewhere in 1960s. Kolam dances were organized by Jinadasa Jayasekara. The Kōmmala pirisa –group-was of Govigama caste. The bera (drum) was played by people of our caste. At the beginning it depended on caste. It was “the olī” (a law caste) who had the right to perform ves (crown used for Canadian dance) in –Garā madu (huts of the devil Garā). Later (the tradition) it changed. I saw a full Kolam dance in its entirety at Kōmmala. In the olden days there had been Kolam in Kōmmala.
Discussion 4:
Wilbert Galbadaārachchi (63 yrs) 17.05.2014. Kōmmala, Bentota. An old Kolam artist who belongs to Govigama (Farmer) caste.
            There was a set of Kolam here in the possession of Themis Jayasekara. Jinadasa Jayasekara was his son. Till about 2005 those masks were at Bentara. Chamila, the eldest daughter of Jinadasa Jayasekara took those masks to Kurunegala. She said that she was keeping them in her house as curiosities. Jinadasa Jayasekara died about 5 years ago. His funeral took place at his daughter’s. Those days a good number of people joined in Kolam, In 1940-50s when Themis Jayasekara was participating in Kolam he went from place to place playing the art. Full performance of Kolam was done even here. It was frior to the 1963 flood that a full performance in Bentara was staged for the last time. Then I was about 12. I also performed characters such as Kāpiri Kolama and Anabero Kolama. Jinadasa Jayasekara acted canats such as Lenchinā and Nāga Rāssa. Sudda Gurunnānse and Sēmaris Gurunnānse beat the drum. Amarasa Gurunnānse did not participate in Kolam done here. It was Dēvaminige Aranolis who played Jasaya. Pänis Tilakaratne played Hencha. It was Richel Bäddevitana who played the Arachchi. Before 1960 these dramas were acted in Temis Jayasekara’s garden. In late 1960s during Poson Full Moon Day (Month of July) Festival lighting a Lamp was commenced on the ground of Kōmmala. If the lamp went on for seven days seven dramas also were performed. They included dramas such as Kolam dances. Sandakinduru, Jasa Lenchina. They were performed on a stage erected on the ground using loudspeakers. Those days the masks were brought from Himbutugoda, Pitigala. Mr. Thomas Adlin Kapumahattaya, officiating priest of the Depānama Dēvālaya of Hōkandara used to come here those days to perform Kolam dance. Women’s parts were taken by him. Aranolis and Thomas Jayasekara played the Gurulu Rāssa (mythical bird called Gurulu in the form of a demon). These spectacles were performed during the Poson (June) festival (June) from 1960s to 1970s. Women acted in them. Younger sister of Sīla Paranarnāna performed in them. Another woman also from Dedduwa performed. Roles of Bisava (queen), Kumāri (Princess), Kinduri (Mermaid) all taken by women.
            In 1989 Sirisena Jayasekara performed Nāga Rāssa near his house. One of his daughters wore the mask (Rāssa) demon. Within a short time the girl caught leukaemia, eyes julted out died deformed. Everybody was of the opinion that it was the result of evil effect. The mask Gurulu Rassa is a very powerful one. We did not perform the Gurulu Rassa in the display organized at the time of DRO Mr. Karannagoda of Bentara in 1961 at Gamini (College). The Rāssa mask was on the wall. Several other masks were used. After a little while we heard a snake blow. Lo! the blow comes from the mask Gurulu Rāssa! The mask was carefully removed from the wall, to see that nothing is inside. But the mask keeps on blowing. The tone is very sharp. The māma (uncle) (Themis Jayasekara) took a “pandurak” (a coin), washed it and wrapped it up in apiece of cloth and gave a solemn promise to god to the effect that though Gurulu Rāssa was not performed this time for absence of a suitable person it will be acted in the Mahā Kasyapa Daladā Perahära of the Galapātha Temple during the Äsala Poya. Then only did the blowing cease. Very rarely one can play Gurulu Rāssa. An inexperienced one even if wore the mask would take only two turns. At the third time the mask will strike the ground.
            It was from Bentara that Dayānanda Gunawardana took Jasa Lenchina. Jasa Lenchina was taperecorded using the voice of the artists taken from here to Radio Ceylon. Bentara Kolam accompanied only the low-country drum. Trumpet was not used. Aile also was not tied. Mal yahana (Bed with flowers stretched on) was prepared. It was commenced by worshipping the Buddha. It was done for fun/amusement. Jinadasa Jayasekara went to Polonnaruwa in 70s. Next younger generation was not competent enough to perform Kolam.
Discussion 5: 
D. K. O. K. Sriyālathā (58 yrs) 12.03.2014. Galtuduwa, Gonagala pura Of Gavigama (farmer) caste. Admirer (woman) of Kolam belonging to lower Middle class. She has seen Tītar (Theatre) performed in Bentara in 1960s. I remember Kolam displays staged by Jinadasa Jayasekara and others on the “Bōl Pittaniye” (Volleyball ground) in Kommala (pic.7.1) in 1960s. Every Poson Poya they made the Lantern on the Kōmmala ground. On the last day of the Lantern show a Kolam dance was staged. There were dancer of both kinds those wearing masks and those with no masks. Women also took part. One girl called Nānalatha played Lenchina. Jinadasa Jayasekara played Kindura. Kindura and Kinduri did not put on masks. In these shows instruments such as Dolki and serpina rehearsals were held in a desolate place enclosed with coconut leaves. It is said that Jayasekaras living in Bentara were at the beginning known as Hettiārachchi’s. They took the name Jayasekara when the English at a subsequent date was giving honorific titles. Jinadasa Jayasekara used to make performance of Viridu (kind of verse like recital) over the Radio Ceylon. In about 1980s a pirit chanting was held an alms giving was offered and the performance was thus given up. Though Jinadasa Jayasekara went to Polonnaruwa somewhere in 70s at Poson festivals he used to come back. He was a very handsome man. Even his voice was exceedingly deep.
Discussion 6:
D. S. Ponnamperuma. (90 yrs) 25. 02. 2014. Sooriyagoda, Bentota. The most senior educated citizen (agewise) living in Bentota today. He is a retired English teacher who represents the Middle class Govigama caste.
            My father taught at Both Aturuwella Vidyalaya and Gamini (Vidyalaya) Bentara. He had even a Mudaliyar title. He died in November 1956. My father had masks and a Magul Beraya (a drum used on auspicious occasions) in his possession. They included Hevā Kōlama 2 masks of Lion, 2 masks of Nāga Rāssa. Though my father was of Govigama caste he could both play the drum and dance very well. He had learned those arts. He was in close association with Amarasa Gurunnānse of Suddagoda.
            I remember that those days on the land called Nīlisigewatta where the temple stands thatched huts were erected wherein mockery dances were performed. I saw them in my childhood. I cannot say whether what I saw were Kolam or otherwise. I cannot remember even who did it. Only thing I can remember is that those were mockery dances performed wearing masks. When we were grown-ups we had no time/occasion to watch them.
            My father loved arts. Before 1935 Mr. S. L. T. Kapukotuwa was invited to the school at Aturuwella and for him a “Dahaata Sanniya” (18 sannis) was performed. Kapukotuwa studied together with my father at the Tranning College in 1935.  Tourism was introduced at Bentara in 1972. Electricity was given to 25 houses in Bentara. One of them was my house. Bentara Rest House was built by the Dutch. At Gamini Primary Vidyalaya there was a Datch church built in 1755. Now it is demolished. Even since those days Bentara has been a suitable spot for tourist industry.
Discussion 7:
Patmasiri Weerasinghe. (57 yrs) 06. 11. 2013 and 11. 02. 2014, Tunduwa, Haburugala. He is a son of Ēdin Gurunnānse famous artist He belongs to Berava (drummer) caste, a professional Kolam dancer of Middle class.
            I am having my own Kolam group. What we perform only a few parts of the pre-performance. We do not play Kolam stories. After playing Kolam such as the Anabera and Nonchi Kolama, Polis Kolama, Nāga Kanya, Nāga Raksha and Gurulu Raksha, Hewā Kōlama, Jasa Lenchina Kolam, Arachchi Kōlama and Mudali Kolama some parts of the Sanniyakuma (a kind of devil dance) are also performed. What we do is a show/performance of Kalu Yakā (Black devil) Daru Nälavilla (Lullaby), “Gini sisila (Cool Fire). My group consists of artists B. A. Nihal, Manoj Ranjan Moonasinghe, Sujith Maitripāla, Lasantha Pradeep Kumara, Vikum Lankara Jayasekara, Dumindu Nilanka Gurusinghe, Shathish Upendra Lankādeva, Santha Samarawickrama, and H. N. Chāmara Pradeep Kumara. Stage direction, production and co-ordination was done by Priyantha Ranjan. It is the house of Drama (Institution)of Borella which organized the performance. We have already staged about 10 displays. My group is paid Rs. 80,000 to meet all the expenses. The performance depends on tickets. One performance was staged at Tower Hall Theatre on 4 November 2012. Another show was stayed at the auditorium, Dhammissara Vidyalaya, Nāththandiya on 24 Sep. 2012. They proved a triumph at Anuradhapura the hall was jam-packed and many were standing. At the beginning I had no masks in my possesstion. It is from an artist called Rūpas from Ambalangoda I borrowed the masks. Now I have got my own masks. We receive requests for shows during aulfural festivals. We receive move requests for children’s shows. I have taken part in several foreign tours also. Sometimes I do performance at hotels for foreign guests. The field is economically not a loss.  
 Analysis:
It was in 1967 that Sarachchandra and M. H. Goonatilleke expressed their opinions on Kolam of Bentota. All night full Kolam performance for the last time was staged at Bentota in the year 1963. Not tying aile and use of merely the law country drum are the characteristic features of the Kolam dancers of Bentota. From 1965 up to end of 1970 the parts of pre-performances of Kolam drama have been acted in concerts and in the Mahā Kasyapa procession. Plays what they had concurrently with Poson (Buddhist religions festival of the month June full moon Poya) Lantern of Kōmmala can more aptly called not as mask drama or Kolam (mockery) but as Nūrti alias Tītar (Sinhala corruption of theatre). In those plays role of women were taken by women themselves and musical instruments such as sarpinā and dōlkiya had been used. They mostly comprised dances/dancing with no masks. The third stage of the mask drama of Bentota is the Nāga Rāssa Nätum (dance) organized in 1989 or in Sirisena Jayasekara’s time. Professional dancing performed by artists such as Patmasiri and Kumudu Kumara at tourist hotels and on performing stages can be treated as the fourth stage. Patmasiri calls his own Kolam drama as Ambalangoda Kolam drama. Patmasiri has no knowledge/understanding of features of Kolam drama native to Bentota. He knows Kolam by descent and education. Artist Kumudu Kumara is also the same. On that account these two artists cannot be taken as a result of the uninterrupted continuation of the Kolam drama of Bentota. Except for the fact that they have been residing in Bentota there is no justifiable reason for them to be treated as two men responsible for the Kolam drama of Bentota. Men and women interviewed here have little or no knowledge of Kolam drama of Bentota. What is evident from this is that Kolam drama had been by 1950 treated as a disgraceful folk art. This discussion manifests how these arts came to learned and appreciated by 1950 decade disregarding the caste issue. The study also identifies the development of these arts by state intervention in organizing concerts and holding competition on the one hand and through such action re-establishment of them in a different context on the other hand. Through an analysis of these facts we can reach the following conclusion.
Conclusions:
 Kolam drama of Bentota had been there by the decade 1950 in the form of a folk play under the control of Themis Jayasekara. By the decade 1960 it changed hands and now under Jinadasa Jayasekara it changed into a Tītar-like drama. Nāga Rāssa Nätum performed by Sirisena Jayasekara in 1989 was the last Kolam drama held in Bentota by way of entertainment. Though there are artists who took part in Kolam drama still living in Bentota they do not adhere to Kolam drama tradition of Bentota. After 1989 nothing connected with Kolam drama took place in Bentota. Information already furnished by various researchers and authors about Kolam art of Bentota are false facts presented without verifying the statements. By today the folk drama called Kolam survives neither among the people of Govigama caste nor among that of Berava caste at Bentota. It can be concluded that by today the Kolam tradition of Bentota has been annihilated.

NOTES:

1.    Civil war in southern area of Sri Lanka in the period during 1987-1998. It was handled by yang followers of Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna.

2.    Jinadasa Jayasekara was a Grade “A” Singer of indigenous verses, Viridu (a type of ballads) and recitalist of verses of National Broadcasting Corporation and worked also as a clerk at the National Broadcasting service. He was one of the secretaries of Evening Service of the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation in 1970 and he was also the News Editor of the Pulatisi Ravaya Broadcasting Service. He who worked as a Regional Correspondent of the Lankādipa newspaper got married Sunanda Vijelatha Munasinghe, the novelist. He died somewhere on 19.12.2009 and at the time of in death he had been living in Hospital Junction, Nissanka Malla Mawatha, Polonnaruwa. This account has been given because at discussions held in connection with this study one statement contradicts the other.

 
REFERENCES:

Interviews:
·         Interview had with Mr. Prasanna Abeywardane (69) at his residence at Galbada, Induruwa on 08/02/2014. He worked as village headman of Bentota from 1960.one of the former chairman of all Ceylon Village headman’s Association.
·         Interviews had with Mr Pathamasiri Weerasinghe (57) of Thunduwa, Haburugala,Son of Traditional Guru Adin,a contemporary Kolam artist on 06.11.2013 and 11.02.2014.
·         Interviews had with Mr. Nobert,Master Mask carver and tom-tom artist of Suddagoda,Bentota on 25.02.2014.
·         Interviews had with Mr.D.S.Ponnamperuma (90) of Suriyagoda, the most senior and the knowledgeable person living at Bentota at present on 24.02.2014.
·         Interviews had with Traditional Guru Eralis (chanter) of Suddagoda,Bentota on 23.02.2014.
·         Interviews had with Mrs.D.K.O.K Sriyalatha(58)Born in Kommala but now living at Galthuduwa on 12.03.2014.
·         Interviews had with Mr  Wilmat Galbadaarachchi (63)of Kommala, Bentota, presently alive only one person who engaged with bentota kolam on 17.05.2014. 

Telephone Interviews:
·         Interviews had over the phone with Mr.Kumudu kumara(38)Profesional Dancer and Tom-Tom- Beater of Arachchimulla,Bentota on 25.02.2014.
Books

·  Sarachchandra,E.(1999)Sinhala Gemi natakaya(Sinhala adaptation of The Folk Darma of Ceylon,1966),3rd edition, Maradana: S.Godage publication.
·         Goonatilleka, M.H .(1968). Kolam nataka sahithya.Maradana:Rathna publications.
·         ­____________(1980)Kolam, Sinhala encyclopedia, Vol.8.Ed.Dharmadasa.K.N.O, Department of cultural affairs.

·         Sarachchandra.E.R,1966,The Folk Drama of Ceylon,2nd edition.Ceylon:Dep.of Cultural Affairs.

·  Perera,Ranjith,1995,Maname manaranjitha manakalpitha,Theertha, Spring edition, Colombo:Vibhavi Institute,29-47pp.

·         Amarasekara.K.G,2002.Kolam Nataka puranaya, Etlanta Priters, Outhers publication.

·         Kaluarachchi,A. 2006, Kolam nataka wimasuma, Authors’ publication.

·         Kottegoda,J.2009,Kolam gemi natakayak nowe, 2nd edition, Boralesgamuwa: Authors’ publication.
 
Saussure, Ferdinand de.,1966. Course in General Linguistics. Translated from french by Wade Baski.London: Hill Book Company.



A qualitative Analysis of Economic Structure of the Kolam Drama -Saman M Kariyakarawana



A qualitative Analysis of Economic Structure of the Kolam Drama
Saman M Kariyakarawana (B.A, M.A)

1. Introduction:
            No study pertaining to the economic structure of Sri Lanka has hitherto been done. A scattered corpus of the subject manifests that the existing analysis concerning it are merely jumbled up. What kind of economic system was there in Sri Lanka prior to the advent of the Europeans? Was it a feudal system? Or else is it sufficient to be labeled as the Asiatic mode of Production as it was called by Marx? On the other hand, was the economic system that was established by Europeans in Sri Lanka a feudal system or capitalism? If it is capitalism, was it agricultural capitalism? Why did not that capitalism give birth to developed industries? Instead of the creation of colossal cities and culturally refined being why was it driven to elementary racilisms? Is Sri Lanka still an under developed country? What features characteristic of the third question of capitalism are visible in the Sri Lankan economy? Is it possible for a folk drama such as Kolam to still exist in this inequal economic structure? If the answer to the above is in the affirmative the reasons are discussed in this chapter. Relationship that exists between the mode of maintenance of Kolam drama by two generations at the different places and the economic structure is studied herein. One of these Kolam groups is the cluster led by Martin Amarasinghe of Udupila, Mirissa. It is connected with the traditional sport “Pora Pol” (a traditional coconut game) which is characteristic of that region. Sport Pora Pol is performed as an exorcism but some play it for fun. The other group involved is the two individuals Manoshika Wijesooriya and Kanchana Wijesooriya of Bandu Wijesooriya dancing school of Juwan Wadu family Hirewatta, Ambalangoda, who direct the stage play called “Karaliye Kolama”. This is a performance staged at theatres where the audience has to buy tickets to watch the show. What is dealt with in the chapter is to discuss the evolution of two families engaged is Kolama with reference to relevant two economic structures and how Kolama located in these two structures.
2. Research Methodologies:
            Collection of data is done in two ways. Economic history of two lowland localities called Ambalangoda and Mirissa is traced through literary sources. Evolution and the contemporary condition of Juvan Wadu family up to “Karaliye Kolam” have been gathered out of interviews held with Maheshika and Kanchana Wijesooriya. History and the present state of Udupila group, Mirissa has been gathered out of conversations the present writer had with Martin Amarasinghe and Lokuhettige Kularatne.
            A special attention is paid in the analysis to different economic opportunities these two groups had received. What impact the recognition of Ambalangoda had acquired as a cultural centre and Mirissa as a fishery centre had on Kolam drama is identified herein. Further, distinctions in economic conditions between the two regions and adaptation of Kolam drama to them are also discussed. This is a qualitative analysis and the ethnographic model has been very often used in this cultural reading.
3. A short account of diachronic of Sri Lankan economy:  
            With a view to systematizing production and distribution of goods and services in Sri Lanka all the villages in the island were organized by king Pandukabhaya in his reign 437-367, B. C. Mahavamsa makes mention of this fact as follows:
“ He set five hundred candalas to the work of cleaning the (streets of the) town, two hundred candalas to the work of cleaning the sewers, one hundred and fifty candalas he employed to bear the dead and as many candalas to be watchers in the cemetery. For these he built a village north-west of the cemetery and they continually carried out their duty as it was appointed.

Toward the north-east of the candala-village he made the cemetery, called the Lower Cemetery, for the candala folk. North of this cemetery, between (it and) the Pasana-mountain, the line of huts for the huntsmen were built thenceforth. Northward from thence, as far as the Gamani-tank, a hermitage was made for many ascetics; eastward of that same cemetery the ruler built a house for the nigantha Jotiya. In that, same region dwelt the nigantha named Giri and many ascetics of various heretical sects. And there the lord of the land built also a chapel for the nigantha Kumbhanda ; it was named after him. Toward the west from thence and eastward of the street of the huntsmen lived five hundred families of heretical beliefs. On the further side of Jotiya's house and on this side of the Gamani-tank he likewise built a monastery for wandering mendicant monks, and a dwelling for the ajivakas and a residence for the brahmans, and inthis place and that he built a lying-in shelter and a hall 3 for those recovering from sickness.

Ten years after his consecration did Pandukabhaya the ruler of Lanka establish the village-boundaries over the whole of the island of Lanka.” (Trance: Geiger, Wilhelm. 1912:75)

The organization thus established was named by later intellectuals as a caste feudal system. (Leach, E. R. 1959:2 – 26) (De Sir, M. U. 1998 : 2-4). In accordance with this economic system both land and labor the two fundamental economic resources were king’s responsibilities. Capital was centered round the king, officials working under him and the Buddhist and Hindu temples. The ordinary man inherited little or no excess of revenue. It was only the officials referred to above who owned permanent houses.
            Goods in exchange for service or vice versa were the direct mode of exchange and money was used in case of transaction with outsiders. Money was in circulation about trade centers situated by harbors along the seacoast (De Silva, M. U. 1998:4). Infrastructure was implemented through feudal system by Disave (government agent), Korale (District officer), Vidāne (rank above village headman), and Mulādäni (village headman) officers responsible for administration. (do-107-108) Major infrastructural facilities included construction of tanks, roads and highways, temples, canals, dams etc. Everybody was under the feudal system. While administration of lands was under disāves and their subordinate officers who were given their respective share of the income by the king when the former had paid the same to the latter.
            It was Kotte the last kingdom under which the lowlands were. Localities Mirissa and Ambalangoda did not come under the control of Sītāvaka and Kandyan kingdoms. The last Sinhalese ruler to govern these regions was king Bhuvanekabāhu (1534-1551). Next ruler, King Don Juvan Dharmapala who ascended the throne in Kotte (1551-1597) was just a nominal king. Ambalangoda was a maintenance village of Dharmapala. (Vimalananda, Tennakoon. 1963:230) “As Doily describes a maintenance village is a hamlet with paddy fields called Muttettu cultivated in entirety free of wages. Villagers did so for it was they who enjoyed the land. They were further to perform some more duties” (do:302). During the period of Dharmapala Portuguese, territories in Sri Lanka were under the control of viceroy of Goa, Noronnā who was in Sri Lanka. Temples Devalas and palace and houses were robbed by the Portuguese.
            There was a semi-colonial rule in Sri Lanka from 1505 to 1815 and it was a full colony from 1815 to 1948. Many lowland regions were under the Portuguese rule from 1505 to 23 July 1658. Lowland regions, which were under the Dutch company since 1658, were handed over to the English East Indian Company under an agreement on 16 Feb 1796. After the transition period 1796 – 1815, the whole country came under the control of the British. The lowland region, which is the base geographical area of this study, becomes a colony in 1505. Residents of these localities had to undergo a lot  of distress and pressure and influence under three invaders. Nevertheless, in these localities no battles or anti-colonial activities against colonists occurred. Instead, residents of lowlands became participants in socio-economic structure of the colonial rulers.
            The Portuguese and both the Dutch went on with the old feudal system and made profit as far as possible. The English who made the whole of the island their colony in 1815 adopted caste based feudal economic system up to (1833) Colebrook – Cameron Reforms. Scholars believe that the changes of 1833 as the arrival of a capitalist economy.      
3.1. Colebrook – Cameron Reforms of 1833:
            Under this system, the irregular administrative division hitherto existed as the Sinhalese and other administrative areas were divided into 5 provinces, i.e. North, East, West, South and Central. They were governed by civil administrators. The modern Western Judiciary system and hierarchy were established. It was under this system that District Courts were introduced. Legislature was implemented by a council of representatives. Two councils called Legislative council and Executive council were established. The legislative council comprised ten official members inclusive of the governor and six unofficial members. Executive council comprised inclusive of the governor six official members. Enactment and implementation of laws were carried out by those two councils since then. A system of English education capable of creating successors to the state structure was established. It was at this time that the Royal College in Colombo meant for the upper elite was founded.
            In addition to these political changes a few economic changes were also brought about. State monopoly on cinnamon and other export goods was abolished. Custom duty was amended. State monitory shares of industries were sold to private sector. Selling or transfer of state land to private sector was encouraged. Feudal system was abolished in place of which procedure of payment of salary for labor was introduced. By this means an economic system towards capitalism was implemented.
            Owing to this independent economic and political environment clusters of small scale coconut and cinnamon land owners in the southern lowlands of Sri Lanka emerged and in areas such as Ambalangoda and Mirissa fishery began to flourish. At this period, there prevailed a rural middle class with a surplus income, a capitalist class of foreigners connected with estate economy and an Indian labor force engaged in estate plantation. Though this middle class was not involved in major scale plantation industry while either depending on paddy cultivation or traditional monks of livelihood gathered an additional income out of small-scale coffee, areca or cinnamon growth. Ambalangoda as a town developed due to fishery. Even in Ambalangoda education developed and a middle class with a refined taste too emerged. It was under this context that a crowd of spectators for Kolam drama was created in Ambalangoda. Kolam drama came to prevail in Mirissa as a result of co-existence between the two castes Durāva and Karāva and the link of their traditional beliefs based on their trades, i.e. fishing and coconut produce.
            To acquire land for plantation which commenced with the cultivation of coffee in 1835, under the ordinance of wasteland of 1940 all those lands of which ownership could not be proved were taken over by the government and were sold at a very low cost such as 5 shilling per acre. One planter alone bought 30825 acres. (Vandandrieson, 1963:238) A plant decease called blight which spread in 1868 destroyed the coffee cultivation and it was during this time that estate owners paid attention to cultivate tea. By 1877 even rubber cultivation had been commenced and by 1890 it was already one of the major cultivations in the island. Cultivation of rubber commenced from the Kalutara District and was later spread to other districts Colombo, Kegalle, Galle, Matara etc. as well and abundant in the growth. With the decline of coffee cultivation even the coconut cultivation in lowlands commenced. Coconut cultivation which was the second crop to be introduced became in 1871 about 37% out of the whole extent of farming. By 1890 it reached 41% which fact manifests the rapidity of this cultivation within short span. Coconut cultivation spread in provinces such as north western, western and South at a tremendous speed.
            It was at this period that promotion of prisons, hospitals, asylums and schools took place. The postal coach began to run between Colombo and Negombo in 1841. By 1833 the same service was extended between Colombo and Galle. This step very much widened individual relations. In 1844 – 45 police courts, request courts and rural courts were established. It was at this period that the appointment of police court judges, Justices of the Peace and coroners occurred. In 1644 the slavery was totally banned. In 1843 Royal Asiatic Society which rendered a good number of benefits was established.
            On account of Colebrook – Cameron Economic – Politico reforms capitalistic elements also were superimposed on caste based feudal system which had hitherto been there. Thus subsequent economic system simultaneous with the new economic system were in existence.
            Economic changes brought about with the arrival of the English cannot be labeled absolutely as capitalistic. The economic system they developed was based on raw material produce such as tea, coconut and rubber. These products were taken as raw material to Europe where the market for products based on those raw materials and for products was created. Owing to this state of affairs various economic patterns such as caste based feudal system, European feudal system, characteristics of agricultural capitalism, and commercial capitalism associated with the urban sector etc. coexisted in Sri Lanka. Purely due to the above varied contradictory economic spaces and conditions such as caste system, under developed villages, under developed estate economy, semi – urban areas, developed towns etc. were characteristic of that age. If capitalism was established by the English in Sri Lanka Kolam as a folk drama would not have survived by now. If caste based feudal system prevailed without break in popular performances such as “Karaliye Kolam” would not have emerged.
            In countries such as China and Japan Noh and Kabuki shows still survive and they have developed by undergoing topical modifications in keeping with new technological progress. (Senelick, L. 2000) Every art tradition has developed on an equal footing, and great differences such as one finds among various traditions in Sri Lanka cannot be found in those countries. (Brandon, James R. 2009) kind of differences pertaining to Folk draditions found even in India are not so much as in Sri Lanka.
4. Ambalangoda and Juvan Wadu clan:
“Aablangodde, a considerable village, rest house, and post station, about 15 miles south of Bentotte, and 19 north of Golle. It has a great number of houses covered with tiles, and is lamer than most of the villages in this part of the country, and was once the station of s magistrate. The inhabitants are exclusively fishermen, and a great portion of them are engaged in a coasting trade between the Island and the coast of Coromandel. Here there is a remarkably splendid Wihare, as well as a school belonging to the Wesleyan Missionaries” (Casie Chitty,Simon,1834:8p)
        As Casie Chitty described Ambalangoda was like that in 1834. It must be mentioned that no similar account of Mirissa is given by him. During the colonial regime it was the Halāgama caste which was referred to as Mahabadda.(great tax/duty) That caste was known as Mahabadda (great tax) because it was by the people of Halagama caste who were engaged in cinnamon peeling out of which commodity the government earned the highest income. Locality called Balapitiya was their home town. As the closest commercial town to Balapitiya Ambalangoda had already acquired a recognition as a developed town according to Casie Chetty.
            Ambalangoda is located between the latitudes 60   14’ 07 N and longitude 800 3’ 13” E. It belongs to Southern Province and Galle District. Colombo – Galle highway and the coastal railway run through Ambalangoda. Ferguson says that the coastal line was extended from Colombo to Ambalangoda in January 1894. (1893:128) Though Ambalangoda is famous for masks its major sources of income are fish, cinnamon and coconut etc. Ambalangoda is famous as a tourist resort because of its masks. As Ferguson says by 1893 Ambalangoda was famous for swimming. Many a resident of the area depends one state sector or other employment. A good number of residents living by the town is engaged in various services for livelihood. Those who are involved in business and in-between work are higher in rate. Majority of ethnic group consists of Karava caste. Towards interior other castes are also found.
4.1. Juvan wadu clan: 
            As present day members of the clan claim Juvan Wadu clan of Hirewatta, Ambalangoda has a long history. Names of chiefs of this clan are as follows:-

1.      Juvan Wadu Edoris de Silva Wijesooriya, 1798 – 1868
2.      Juvan Wadu Endoris de Silva Wijesooriya, 1830 – 1895
3.      Juvan Wadu Ondiris de Silva Wijesooriya, 1860 – 1929
4.      Juvan Vadu Mathes de Silva Wijesooriya, 1883- 1927
5.      Juvan Wadu Ariyapala Wijesooriya, 1901 – 1995
6.      Juvan Wadu Bandu Wijesooriya, 1939 – 2005 (Mask Museum of Juvan Wadu Clan, Ambalangoda)
Chandradasa Wijesooriya, Mahindapala Wijesooriya, Bhadrananda Wijesooriya etc. who are the brothers of Bandu Wijesooriya themselves are artists.
Contemporary artists of Juwan wadu Clan:
1.      Manoshika Wijesooriya - from 1971 to date
2.      Kanchana Wijesooriya  - from 1973 to date
3.      Amalka Wijesooriya
4.      Rukmal Wijesooriya (According to information supplied by Manoshika and Kanchana in Ambalangoda on 14.01.2015)
4.2. Studies on Juvan wadu Clan
            M. D. Raghavan in his study of Karava Caste examined Kolam as an art of the Karava.  It was from Ariyapala Gurunnanse (Master Ariyapala) that he had obtained details experience pertaining to Kolam. He describes the Kolam group as follows:
“The actors belong to different walks of life. In a show at Ambalangoda, the Anabera Kolama was played by S. M. Samuel Silva, a building contractor. The role of his partner Nonci Akka was enacted by K. M. Agris Silva, truly old, a mason baas of eighty years of age. The two Héwarilas were S. H. Kulasiri, a student of the H.S.C. class and T. W. Wijesiri, a trader. Maru Raksasa and Gurulu Raksasa was impersonated by G. H. Tillakaratna and J. W. Banduséna. The Naga Raksasa was T. W. Wijsiri. J. W.Ariyapala of Girawatta, Ambalangoda, was the Gurunanse, proficient in the art of dancing, and a very skilled craftsman in mask making”( Raghavan,M.D. 1961:130).
M. H. Goonatilleke in his literary work on Kolam Drama gives following details pertaining to Juvan Wadu Clan in 1968.
            “J. W. Ariyapala Gurunnanase of Hirewatta, Ambalangoda learned the Kolam dance (drama) and mask making also from his grandfather Juvan Wadu Ondiris de Silva Wijesooriya, Wadu Arachchi Mahatmaya (Mr. Master Carpenter) and taught three of his sons the said drama and mask making.
            Kolam drama group of Ariyapala Gurunnanse comprises the following:-
J. W. Chandrasena Wijesooriya (this name is incorrect. It should be Bandusena), J. W. Chandradasa Wijesooriya, J. W. Mahindapala Wijesooriya, H. Wimalaratne, H. Karunasena, R. M. Chandradasa, H. Tillakeratne and R. S. Odiris de Silva (Goonatilleke, M. H. 1968:8-19)

4.3. Karaliye  Kolam: Discussion with Kanchana Wijesooriya and Manoshika Wijesooriya
The discussion was held at Mrs. Kanchana Wijesooriya’s Ambalangoda on 14.01.2015.
            “It was my father Mr. Bandu Wijesooriya who made contribution to the Kolam art following Ariyapala Gurunnanse. The art was not the livelihood of my father. He worked as a dancing master first at Telijjawila Central College and next at Devananda College, Ambalangoda. In the mean time, he was engaged in paddy and coconut trade. My mother born in Batapola comes of a business family. We lived in Matara. Tellijjawala when we were still children when Bogoda music clan was having close ties with my father. Then we came to live in Batapola when my father was teaching at Devananda College, Ambalangoda. He was a leftist and was disheartened due to facts such as lack of a regular timetable.  By this time, he had already acquired a broad vision with regard to art following his close association with artists such as Chitrasena. It was at this time he was involved in business.
            My grandfather Ariyapala Gurunnanse lived in Hirewatta and by then he had already started making masks and selling them. Mrs. Leela de Mel, my grandmother had a skill in business and they had a walled house. Master Ariyapala was skilled not only in mask making but also in a number of other crafts and skills such as astrology, partitioning houses, exorcism, devil dance etc. At grandfather’s there were always pots of curd, sweet meat, vegetables etc. he got as presents from his clients. As needs were few those days they led a posh life. Grandmother bent on business where as grandfather’s art was turned a business by herself. My grandfather and my father were engaged in art not for money. But today we cannot do like that. Our lives have become highly complex and accordingly our needs are also many and varied. Today we cannot go on with it free of charge.
            During the period 1993 – 1994 my father held exhibitions at many campuses free of charge. My father who charged only the cost of travelling and food did not want to make money out of it.  Even if a mask got damaged he did not claim anything and he spent his own money on it. Even at present many a man expects free of charge we cannot do it.
            My grandfather solely depended on mask making. However, it was because of my grandmother that he was able to commence a mask business and to buy a piece of land from Ambalangoda and to economically prosper. Accordingly, today one of my father’s younger brothers (Mahindapala Wijesooriya) owns a supermarket and tea estates. His other brother (Bhadrananda Wijesooriya) is an owner of a filling station, a number of tea estates and cinnamon lands. There are two aunts. All of them are skilled in dancing. But they do not take part in the art. The mask factory was divided among all the children by grandmother. Each is given an equal share. I am also getting a share. It is enough for my expenses.
            About 25 years ago, when my father was in paddy business one German professor called Volfgen who came to Batapola paid a visit to our house in Batapola. He had travelled throughout. Sri Lanka and had studied Kolam. First, he visited my grandfather who directed him to my father. My father who had a discussion with this professor and his 25-member group deep into the night decided the following day morning to give up rice mill and other industries and devote his life to this art. With his decision to devote himself to mask making and once the German group was convinced of the need of a mask museum he could get aid from them to establish one. Then there arose some obstacles. To overcome them they had to resort to trickery such as disguise themselves as some other party and then the German group was convinced of the true state of affairs. Subsequently the museum was founded and then German government gave aid to acquire a building for a dancing school. As my mother, also comes of a business family she could manage father’s business activities taking a correct approach.
            In our family, we are the only children, myself and my elder sister. Generally, it is not the tradition for female to act in Kolam drama. My father (breaking the tradition) gave us an opportunity to play the Rāssa in the Kolam drama. The incident led to an uproar. Thus, Lenchina, Etanahāmy and Surabāvalli were such female roles played by us. My father did not fix a rate for tickets. In the year 1996 Hon. Amarasiri Dodangoda, the Minister intervened between the work and with the assistance of Janakalā Kendra, Battaramulla, throughout the country Kolam performances were held and it acquired a great popularity through these effort.
            Even at Lionel Wendt, Colombo a Kolam drama performance was held by my father. A vesatta (mask) was tied to tables placed on the stage. The performance was shortened to two hours. The drama consisted of “pūrva ranga” (pre- performances) and “gama katāva” (folk story). For some characters masks were not worn. I still remember one of the items I played at urban council Hall, Ambalangoda when I was studying in year five. The drama comprised many natural scenes. We also made performance in it.
4.4. Karaliye Kolam:
            It is monotonous for the audience to hear singing one and the same rhythm at a stretch for a long time. A characteristic feature of the Karaliya Kolam is to soften a rough singing. Though in case of performance of a “Kolam Maduva”(structure erected and the performance itself) no regular lighting system is common. On the other hand the Karaliye Kolama depends on a systematic lighting. In case of Kolam drama the artist enjoys much freedom but in Karaliye Kolama he/she has to depend on steps which are usually given by somebody. In the Kolam artists use “vesatta” ( pandol made by leaves) to hide themselves from others. However, here it is replaced by curtains. Kolam drama performed on stages erected in coconut groves by the coastal belt of southern and western Sri Lanka some people used to arrange a “vī bissa” (heap of paddy) to suggest the rural environment but we removed that item/or actually we replaced it by a canoe. Thus we created a seashore on the stage. In order to get blessings at the beginning we only made the “pahan päla”. (Structure of oil lamps) The performance was reduced to two hours. Only the “pūrva ranga” (pre performance) was held. No “Kolam Katā” (stories) were adopted. Old lyrics were used employing new rhythms. While the chorus participates in saying verse they also suggest by means of gestures the features of the ensuing cast. For Karaliye Kolama parts of pre performance up to arrival of the king was used.
            A group which comprised Amalka Wijesooriya, Manoshika, Chamara, Baddiya Liyanage, Samanta Karunaratne, Chaturi took part. Chorus and both the dancing group comprised eight members each. To date only two shows have been staged. The first show was held at Tower Hall, Colombo free of charge. Though a good number of those who are engaged in the field of arts and University only a handful of them was present. Ordinary spectators who watched the Kolam highly praised it. Traditional artists did not tolerate it. Intellectuals seem to have rejected Karaliye Kolam even without seeing it. We did not use loudspeakers. Just to produce the sound of the guitar a small loudspeaker was used. The day our Kolam was performed Air condition of Tower Hall was out of order. As a result, the cast had to speak louder in order to surpass the sound of fans.
The second performance of Karaliye Kolama was held at Town Hall Ambalangoda and at this occasion, tickets were sold. Though ordinary lovers watched it even artists of puppetry did not come.
            If we are to play the Karaliye Kolama again it needs at least six month training. Still we receive requests for traditional Kolam performance. It costs 1.5 lakhs. Taking the Kolama to the theatre was initiated by my father Bandu Wijesooriya. As there were two daughters alone in the family my father had to break tradition if he were to continue the art. Accordingly, he had to take females even to the stage.
5. Economy of Mirissa and Udupila clan
            Mirissa is a town that lies between the two towns along the Galle, Matara highway. At present, it is popular as a tourist resort. It dates back to a distant past as a fishing village. Interior is abundant in coconut. Even cinnamon cultivation flourished during colonial days. Weligama is located between the latitudes 50 561 45” North and longitude 800 271  35” East.
5.1. Udupila Clan:
            In the village Udupila of which history goes back to a distant past such as 300 – 400 years in addition to mask making which is linked with Kolam drama there prevail to date Sinhalese traditional games such as ancient “Pora Pol gäsīma” (sport played with coconut), “An Keliya” (sport played with hones) Pora Pol gäsīma is played between two villages called Udupila and Yatipila. Yatipila is the village of Karava caste whose profession is fishing. Udupila is the village of Durava caste whose profession is based on industries connected with coconut. These two villages divided by the highway running through it. The folk sport called “Pora Pol gäsīma (playing coconut) survives to date at this village. At the place, called Polpitiya (ground of coconut game) situated in this village this sport is held either as an annual event or at several occasions even at present.
            It is through these folk games that at village Udupila Kolam drama and mask making begin. Residents of the village who take part in a folk sport such as Pora Pol gäsīma and An Keliya during the day very often do so in order to make offering to gods and invoke their blessing. At this occasion in the name of the gods a god dance is performed. It is held from sunset till sunrise. While this “god dance” is performed at a public place in the village from evening till morning even Kolam drama is also performed for spectators. According to the opinion of the native physician P. Senaratne, the present chief of this clan, it is owing to the above purpose that Kolam drama tradition and the art of mask making sprang up in the village Udupila. There were twelve owners of original Kolam masks. i.e.
1.      Mr. Don Bastian alias Babun Vel Vidane
2.      Mr. Luvis Hāmi Amarasinghe
3.      Mr. Juvanis Appu Amarasinghe
4.      Mr. Bandara Watte Babun Appu
5.      Mr. Kanturu Gewatte Babun Appu
6.      Mr. Bandanage Ruppe Kalu Appu
7.      Mr. Tundamulle Andiris Appu
8.      Mr. Polhenagewatte Themis Hami
9.      Mr. Kanankayagewatte Thediyas Appu
10.  Addarawatte Mahā Ganinnaha Gurunnanse
11.  Addaragewatte Siriya Gurunnanse
12.  Addaragewatte Babuse Gurunnanse
The pair of masks first made and used for Kolam drama by this group was subsequently controlled by three individuals, Dīna Appu Amarasinghe “Police Officer Rālahāmi” the son of Don Bastian alias Babun Vel Vidane, Pieris Appu Amarasinghe Veda Rālahāmi, and Charlis Appu Amarasinghe.
As the painted surface of the pair of masks of Udupila turned bare and half destroyed when it was in the possession of the second generation the two individuals Martin Amarasinghe and Charlis Senaratne entrusted it to the artist Diyonis on 1 January 1959 for repair at the cost of Rs. 800/- on the agreement that it will be used for Kolam drama. In the mean time a society called “Udupila Kala sangamaya” was founded at Polhena Kade at Udupila led by them. It was this society that raised Rs. 800/- to meet the cost of repair of the pair of masks of which sum was collected from eighty members at the rate of Rs. 10/- each.
Establishment of the society, “Udupila Kalā Sangamaya” (Art society of Udupila) in January 1959 can be regarded as a turning point of the Udupila Kolam drama clan. This organization undertook its maintenance. A number of decisive resolutions were taken so as to preserve this traditional heritage of Udupila village. Among the suggestions were entrusting Pediris Gurunnanse the responsibility of training the cast of Kolam drama and entrusting P. G. Moudiyas Appu Gurunnanse guiding dialogues. Further this art association agreed to entrust Mr. Martin Amarasinghe to keep all the repaired masks at his house. Even today at Mr. Martin Amarasinghe’s residence there are about 100 masks of various kinds belonging to about 70 Kolam dramas which this clan owns. The most significant feature of the collection is that it contains the oldest and the rarest traditional mask called “the panchanārighata” (owe with five faces of women).
      23rd of May 1959 is a memorable day of the Kolam art. It was the day when a highly colorful Kolam show during a period of five days was held with the assistance of the Venerable Tiranagama Ratanasara Thero sponsored by the state and the artists trained by Udupila Kala Sangamaya. The Ven. Ratanasara says that it cost Rs. 15000.
“It was after a number of years that spending Rs. 15000/- and having erected huts and camps a national Kolam drama show  was held with pomp and glory by the Eksat Kalā Mandalaya for five days.” (Gunawardana, Anura, 05 December 2012)
To make the above account which is based on the article published by Anura Gunawardana in the Divayina more comprehensive I give below facts I discussed with Lokuhettige Kularatne and Martin Amarasinghe at Udupila on 24.05.2014.   
Kolam art of Udupila is linked with the sport Pora Pol. Before commencement of Pora Pol “sanhinde vatāvat” (practices and duties in small temple of god) are performed. Pora Pol is played by two teams Udupila and Yatipila. The coconut thrown by a player to his opponent must be broken by the latter by means of another coconut while it is held in his hand. For this purpose it is not the average coconut which is used but a special kind of coconut, i.e. one with a stronger shell is used (pic.8.7). If the coconut thrown or the one which is used to break the other one is broken the one whose coconut is broken has to leave the play. Like this it goes on. The winning side always offers the win to the defeated side. Both sides then end the play and applaud with shouts saying “Ho! Ho! We won Pora Pol!” and they go in procession. After that at night, the Kolam drama is held. Kolam group of Mirissa is a one handed down from generation to generation. The son of the one who played the role “ārachchi” has to undertake the same role as his father did after his father. Entrusting a role to someone else is considered as a disgrace on the one who is entitled to it. But today this tradition is no more in force. Anyone can perform any role now. In consequence, some families find fault with the new procedure.
The role “Arachchi” of the present Kolam group is played by Selvin Vidānaārachchi (72). Justin Senaratne (64) plays both ārachchi and rāssa roles. Anil Amarasinghe (52) Rāssa Kolam and Gamini Senaratne (54) play both Karapita Kolama and kind Maname Drum is played by Jayalatgama Edwin. Even for Mirisse Kolam, drum is played by the people of Berava caste of village Jayalatgama. In the past, we held at several occasions Kolam dramas at Universities. Our object is just to change only what we incur and present a traditional Kolam drama. We do not think that we must sell this art.”
6. Analysis:
            As information reveals Ariyapala Gurunnanse’s clan of Ambalangoda and Udupila clan both possess a long history. Both these groups must have begun this art simultaneous with each other. Ambalangoda group has made his art an industry within a short period. Ariyapala Gurunnanse and his successors were able to produce masks one of the major features of Kolam which is and to develop it as a major industry and to gain authority of the mask market. Juvan Wadu clan has achieved such great prosperity, which owes to both commercial and cultural capital. Ambalangoda is a swiftly grown up commercial town. Due to factors such as having been located in the town Ambalangoda and the economic security gained through their association with the process of commercial activities Juvan Wadu clan become one of the most prosperous families in that town. As soon as the arrival of tourism, they were also able to reap harvest out of it too. To do so the knowledge of English, business skill and political affiliations helped them. It is due to their economical stability that Kanchana Wijesooriya who had studied Indian dancing in kerala province in India and Manoshika Wijesooriya having obtained a degree in aesthetic studies from Colombo and serving as a dancing teacher in St. Joseph College, Colombo were able to perform a research such as Karaliye Kolama by spending a capital of 6 lakhs. They seems to be taking an attempt at adapting this folk art to their surroundings. As education and aesthetic sense of Sri Lanka is based on feudal rural and peasantry discipline their attempt is rebuked. But if at all for a folk drama such as Kolam to survive in a capitalistic economic system set up it is of course in the form of a drama such as Karaliye Kolama.
            However, the position in Mirissa is entirely different from this they are a people who still derive pleasure out of folk sports that prevailed in feudal days. Although Galle Road and coastal regions due to rapid growth of tourism have been developed when one observes a place like Udupila that the rural areas continue to exist as they were in the past. They are not anxious to sell their art products. Instead they intend to protect them. The mask which was conserved by Mr. M. H. Goonatilleke in 1970 by nailing wooden strips to it and placed it in the office room of Mr. Martin Amarasinghe’s stands even today as it was. Compared this with Mask Museum of Ariyapala Gurunnanse, Ambalangoda is still looks very primitive. Mirissa group has not yet made art their livelihood. They refuse to give economic value to their art and as far as possible try to preserve its traditional value. Cultural values of traditional subsidence economy, which is not mixed up with capitalistic social changes, can still be seen in them. Factors such as Mirissa are a village and it is connected with cultivation of coconut and paddy and traditional modes of production such as fishing are behind this difference.
7. Conclusion:    
            In Sri Lanka a number of highly different economic strata were established when European feudal system and capitalistic elements were superimposed on earlier caste based feudal system depended on subsistence agriculture. This economic difference is seen in every field. This different economic system is the reason for existence of Kolam drama in two forms, i.e. as a folk drama and as a performing art at one and the same time. One group is developing Kolam as an industry whereas another group is preserving it as a traditional eritage because of this different economic system. It is due to there difference in economy that Ambalangoda Juvan Wadu clan is trying to project modernism and Udupila clan of Mirissa is trying to preserve tradition.