A
qualitative Analysis of Economic Structure of the Kolam Drama
Saman
M Kariyakarawana (B.A, M.A)
1.
Introduction:
No study pertaining to the economic
structure of Sri Lanka has hitherto been done. A scattered corpus of the
subject manifests that the existing analysis concerning it are merely jumbled
up. What kind of economic system was there in Sri Lanka prior to the advent of
the Europeans? Was it a feudal system? Or else is it sufficient to be labeled
as the Asiatic mode of Production as it was called by Marx? On the other hand,
was the economic system that was established by Europeans in Sri Lanka a feudal
system or capitalism? If it is capitalism, was it agricultural capitalism? Why
did not that capitalism give birth to developed industries? Instead of the
creation of colossal cities and culturally refined being why was it driven to
elementary racilisms? Is Sri Lanka still an under developed country? What
features characteristic of the third question of capitalism are visible in the
Sri Lankan economy? Is it possible for a folk drama such as Kolam to still
exist in this inequal economic structure? If the answer to the above is in the
affirmative the reasons are discussed in this chapter. Relationship that exists
between the mode of maintenance of Kolam drama by two generations at the
different places and the economic structure is studied herein. One of these
Kolam groups is the cluster led by Martin Amarasinghe of Udupila,
Mirissa. It is connected with the traditional sport “Pora Pol” (a
traditional coconut game) which is characteristic of that region. Sport Pora
Pol is performed as an exorcism but some play it for fun. The other group
involved is the two individuals Manoshika Wijesooriya and Kanchana
Wijesooriya of Bandu Wijesooriya dancing school of Juwan Wadu
family Hirewatta, Ambalangoda, who direct the stage play called
“Karaliye Kolama”. This is a performance staged at theatres where the audience
has to buy tickets to watch the show. What is dealt with in the chapter is to
discuss the evolution of two families engaged is Kolama with reference
to relevant two economic structures and how Kolama located in these two
structures.
2. Research Methodologies:
Collection of data is done in two
ways. Economic history of two lowland localities called Ambalangoda and Mirissa
is traced through literary sources. Evolution and the contemporary condition of
Juvan Wadu family up to “Karaliye Kolam” have been gathered out of
interviews held with Maheshika and Kanchana Wijesooriya. History
and the present state of Udupila group, Mirissa has been gathered
out of conversations the present writer had with Martin Amarasinghe and Lokuhettige
Kularatne.
A special attention is paid in the
analysis to different economic opportunities these two groups had received. What
impact the recognition of Ambalangoda had acquired as a cultural centre
and Mirissa as a fishery centre had on Kolam drama is identified
herein. Further, distinctions in economic conditions between the two regions
and adaptation of Kolam drama to them are also discussed. This is a
qualitative analysis and the ethnographic model has been very often used in
this cultural reading.
3. A short account of diachronic of
Sri Lankan economy:
With a view to systematizing
production and distribution of goods and services in Sri Lanka all the villages
in the island were organized by king Pandukabhaya in his reign 437-367,
B. C. Mahavamsa makes mention of this fact as follows:
“ He set five hundred
candalas to the work of cleaning the (streets of the) town, two hundred
candalas to the work of cleaning the sewers, one hundred and fifty candalas he
employed to bear the dead and as many candalas to be watchers in the cemetery.
For these he built a village north-west of the cemetery and they continually
carried out their duty as it was appointed.
Toward the north-east
of the candala-village he made the cemetery, called the Lower Cemetery, for the
candala folk. North of this cemetery, between (it and) the Pasana-mountain, the
line of huts for the huntsmen were built thenceforth. Northward from thence, as
far as the Gamani-tank, a hermitage was made for many ascetics; eastward of
that same cemetery the ruler built a house for the nigantha Jotiya. In that,
same region dwelt the nigantha named Giri and many ascetics of various
heretical sects. And there the lord of the land built also a chapel for the
nigantha Kumbhanda ; it was named after him. Toward the west from thence and
eastward of the street of the huntsmen lived five hundred families of heretical
beliefs. On the further side of Jotiya's house and on this side of the
Gamani-tank he likewise built a monastery for wandering mendicant monks, and a
dwelling for the ajivakas and a residence for the brahmans, and inthis place
and that he built a lying-in shelter and a hall 3 for those recovering from
sickness.
Ten years after his
consecration did Pandukabhaya the ruler of Lanka establish the
village-boundaries over the whole of the island of Lanka.” (Trance: Geiger,
Wilhelm. 1912:75)
The
organization thus established was named by later intellectuals as a caste
feudal system. (Leach, E. R. 1959:2 – 26) (De Sir, M. U. 1998 : 2-4). In
accordance with this economic system both land and labor the two fundamental
economic resources were king’s responsibilities. Capital was centered round the
king, officials working under him and the Buddhist and Hindu temples. The
ordinary man inherited little or no excess of revenue. It was only the
officials referred to above who owned permanent houses.
Goods in exchange for service or
vice versa were the direct mode of exchange and money was used in case of
transaction with outsiders. Money was in circulation about trade centers
situated by harbors along the seacoast (De Silva, M. U. 1998:4). Infrastructure
was implemented through feudal system by Disave (government agent), Korale
(District officer), Vidāne (rank above village headman), and Mulādäni
(village headman) officers responsible for administration. (do-107-108)
Major infrastructural facilities included construction of tanks, roads and
highways, temples, canals, dams etc. Everybody was under the feudal
system. While administration of lands was under disāves and their
subordinate officers who were given their respective share of the income by the
king when the former had paid the same to the latter.
It was Kotte the last kingdom under
which the lowlands were. Localities Mirissa and Ambalangoda did
not come under the control of Sītāvaka and Kandyan kingdoms. The last
Sinhalese ruler to govern these regions was king Bhuvanekabāhu (1534-1551).
Next ruler, King Don Juvan Dharmapala who ascended the throne in Kotte
(1551-1597) was just a nominal king. Ambalangoda was a maintenance
village of Dharmapala. (Vimalananda, Tennakoon. 1963:230) “As Doily
describes a maintenance village is a hamlet with paddy fields called Muttettu
cultivated in entirety free of wages. Villagers did so for it was they who
enjoyed the land. They were further to perform some more duties” (do:302).
During the period of Dharmapala Portuguese, territories in Sri Lanka
were under the control of viceroy of Goa, Noronnā who was in Sri
Lanka. Temples Devalas and palace and houses were robbed by the Portuguese.
There was a semi-colonial rule in
Sri Lanka from 1505 to 1815 and it was a full colony from 1815 to 1948. Many
lowland regions were under the Portuguese rule from 1505 to 23 July 1658.
Lowland regions, which were under the Dutch company since 1658, were handed
over to the English East Indian Company under an agreement on 16 Feb 1796.
After the transition period 1796 – 1815, the whole country came under the
control of the British. The lowland region, which is the base geographical area
of this study, becomes a colony in 1505. Residents of these localities had to
undergo a lot of distress and pressure
and influence under three invaders. Nevertheless, in these localities no
battles or anti-colonial activities against colonists occurred. Instead,
residents of lowlands became participants in socio-economic structure of the
colonial rulers.
The Portuguese and both the Dutch
went on with the old feudal system and made profit as far as possible. The
English who made the whole of the island their colony in 1815 adopted caste
based feudal economic system up to (1833) Colebrook – Cameron Reforms. Scholars
believe that the changes of 1833 as the arrival of a capitalist economy.
3.1. Colebrook – Cameron Reforms of
1833:
Under this system, the irregular
administrative division hitherto existed as the Sinhalese and other
administrative areas were divided into 5 provinces, i.e. North, East, West,
South and Central. They were governed by civil administrators. The modern
Western Judiciary system and hierarchy were established. It was under this
system that District Courts were introduced. Legislature was implemented by a
council of representatives. Two councils called Legislative council and
Executive council were established. The legislative council comprised ten
official members inclusive of the governor and six unofficial members.
Executive council comprised inclusive of the governor six official members.
Enactment and implementation of laws were carried out by those two councils
since then. A system of English education capable of creating successors to the
state structure was established. It was at this time that the Royal College in
Colombo meant for the upper elite was founded.
In addition to these political
changes a few economic changes were also brought about. State monopoly on
cinnamon and other export goods was abolished. Custom duty was amended. State monitory
shares of industries were sold to private sector. Selling or transfer of state
land to private sector was encouraged. Feudal system was abolished in place of
which procedure of payment of salary for labor was introduced. By this means an
economic system towards capitalism was implemented.
Owing to this independent economic
and political environment clusters of small scale coconut and cinnamon land
owners in the southern lowlands of Sri Lanka emerged and in areas such as Ambalangoda
and Mirissa fishery began to flourish. At this period, there
prevailed a rural middle class with a surplus income, a capitalist class of
foreigners connected with estate economy and an Indian labor force engaged in
estate plantation. Though this middle class was not involved in major scale
plantation industry while either depending on paddy cultivation or traditional
monks of livelihood gathered an additional income out of small-scale coffee,
areca or cinnamon growth. Ambalangoda as a town developed due to
fishery. Even in Ambalangoda education developed and a middle class with
a refined taste too emerged. It was under this context that a crowd of
spectators for Kolam drama was created in Ambalangoda. Kolam
drama came to prevail in Mirissa as a result of co-existence between the
two castes Durāva and Karāva and the link of their traditional beliefs
based on their trades, i.e. fishing and coconut produce.
To acquire land for plantation which
commenced with the cultivation of coffee in 1835, under the ordinance of
wasteland of 1940 all those lands of which ownership could not be proved were
taken over by the government and were sold at a very low cost such as 5
shilling per acre. One planter alone bought 30825 acres. (Vandandrieson,
1963:238) A plant decease called blight which spread in 1868 destroyed the
coffee cultivation and it was during this time that estate owners paid
attention to cultivate tea. By 1877 even rubber cultivation had been commenced
and by 1890 it was already one of the major cultivations in the island.
Cultivation of rubber commenced from the Kalutara District and was later spread
to other districts Colombo, Kegalle, Galle, Matara etc.
as well and abundant in the growth. With the decline of coffee cultivation even
the coconut cultivation in lowlands commenced. Coconut cultivation which was
the second crop to be introduced became in 1871 about 37% out of the whole
extent of farming. By 1890 it reached 41% which fact manifests the rapidity of
this cultivation within short span. Coconut cultivation spread in provinces
such as north western, western and South at a tremendous speed.
It was at this period that promotion
of prisons, hospitals, asylums and schools took place. The postal coach began
to run between Colombo and Negombo in 1841. By 1833 the same service was
extended between Colombo and Galle. This step very much widened individual
relations. In 1844 – 45 police courts, request courts and rural courts were
established. It was at this period that the appointment of police court judges,
Justices of the Peace and coroners occurred. In 1644 the slavery was totally
banned. In 1843 Royal Asiatic Society which rendered a good number of benefits
was established.
On account of Colebrook – Cameron
Economic – Politico reforms capitalistic elements also were superimposed on
caste based feudal system which had hitherto been there. Thus subsequent
economic system simultaneous with the new economic system were in existence.
Economic changes brought about with
the arrival of the English cannot be labeled absolutely as capitalistic. The
economic system they developed was based on raw material produce such as tea,
coconut and rubber. These products were taken as raw material to Europe where
the market for products based on those raw materials and for products was
created. Owing to this state of affairs various economic patterns such as caste
based feudal system, European feudal system, characteristics of agricultural
capitalism, and commercial capitalism associated with the urban sector etc.
coexisted in Sri Lanka. Purely due to the above varied contradictory economic
spaces and conditions such as caste system, under developed villages, under
developed estate economy, semi – urban areas, developed towns etc. were
characteristic of that age. If capitalism was established by the English in Sri
Lanka Kolam as a folk drama would not have survived by now. If caste
based feudal system prevailed without break in popular performances such as “Karaliye
Kolam” would not have emerged.
In countries such as China and Japan
Noh and Kabuki shows still survive and they have developed by undergoing
topical modifications in keeping with new technological progress. (Senelick, L.
2000) Every art tradition has developed on an equal footing, and great
differences such as one finds among various traditions in Sri Lanka cannot be
found in those countries. (Brandon, James R. 2009) kind of differences
pertaining to Folk draditions found even in India are not so much as in Sri
Lanka.
4. Ambalangoda and Juvan
Wadu clan:
“Aablangodde,
a considerable village, rest house, and post station, about 15 miles south of
Bentotte, and 19 north of Golle. It has a great number of houses covered with
tiles, and is lamer than most of the villages in this part of the country, and
was once the station of s magistrate. The inhabitants are exclusively
fishermen, and a great portion of them are engaged in a coasting trade between
the Island and the coast of Coromandel. Here there is a remarkably splendid
Wihare, as well as a school belonging to the Wesleyan Missionaries” (Casie Chitty,Simon,1834:8p)
As
Casie Chitty described Ambalangoda was like that in 1834. It must be mentioned that
no similar account of Mirissa is
given by him. During the colonial regime it was the Halāgama
caste which was referred to as Mahabadda.(great tax/duty) That caste was
known as Mahabadda (great tax) because it was by the people of Halagama
caste who were engaged in cinnamon peeling out of which commodity the
government earned the highest income. Locality called Balapitiya was
their home town. As the closest commercial town to Balapitiya Ambalangoda had
already acquired a recognition as a developed town according to Casie Chetty.
Ambalangoda is located
between the latitudes 60 14’
07 N and longitude 800 3’ 13” E. It belongs to Southern Province and
Galle District. Colombo – Galle highway and the coastal railway run through Ambalangoda.
Ferguson says that the coastal line was extended from Colombo to Ambalangoda
in January 1894. (1893:128) Though Ambalangoda is famous for masks its
major sources of income are fish, cinnamon and coconut etc. Ambalangoda
is famous as a tourist resort because of its masks. As Ferguson says by 1893 Ambalangoda
was famous for swimming. Many a resident of the area depends one state sector
or other employment. A good number of residents living by the town is engaged
in various services for livelihood. Those who are involved in business and
in-between work are higher in rate. Majority of ethnic group consists of Karava
caste. Towards interior other castes are also found.
4.1. Juvan wadu clan:
As present day members of the clan
claim Juvan Wadu clan of Hirewatta, Ambalangoda has a long
history. Names of chiefs of this clan are as follows:-
1.
Juvan Wadu Edoris de Silva Wijesooriya,
1798 – 1868
2.
Juvan Wadu Endoris de Silva Wijesooriya,
1830 – 1895
3.
Juvan Wadu Ondiris de Silva Wijesooriya,
1860 – 1929
4.
Juvan Vadu Mathes de Silva Wijesooriya,
1883- 1927
5.
Juvan Wadu Ariyapala Wijesooriya, 1901 –
1995
6.
Juvan Wadu Bandu Wijesooriya, 1939 –
2005 (Mask Museum of Juvan Wadu Clan, Ambalangoda)
Chandradasa
Wijesooriya, Mahindapala Wijesooriya, Bhadrananda Wijesooriya
etc. who are the brothers of Bandu Wijesooriya themselves are artists.
Contemporary artists of Juwan wadu
Clan:
1. Manoshika
Wijesooriya - from 1971 to date
2. Kanchana
Wijesooriya - from 1973 to date
3. Amalka
Wijesooriya
4. Rukmal
Wijesooriya (According to information supplied by Manoshika and Kanchana in
Ambalangoda on 14.01.2015)
4.2. Studies on Juvan wadu Clan
M. D. Raghavan in his study
of Karava Caste examined Kolam as an art of the Karava. It was from Ariyapala Gurunnanse
(Master Ariyapala) that he had obtained details experience pertaining to
Kolam. He describes the Kolam group as follows:
“The
actors belong to different walks of life. In a show at Ambalangoda, the Anabera
Kolama was played by S. M. Samuel Silva, a building contractor. The role of his
partner Nonci Akka was enacted by K. M. Agris Silva, truly old, a mason baas of
eighty years of age. The two Héwarilas were S. H. Kulasiri, a student of the
H.S.C. class and T. W. Wijesiri, a trader. Maru Raksasa and Gurulu Raksasa was
impersonated by G. H. Tillakaratna and J. W. Banduséna. The Naga Raksasa was T.
W. Wijsiri. J. W.Ariyapala of Girawatta, Ambalangoda, was the Gurunanse,
proficient in the art of dancing, and a very skilled craftsman in mask making”(
Raghavan,M.D. 1961:130).
M.
H. Goonatilleke in his literary work on Kolam
Drama gives following details pertaining to Juvan Wadu Clan in 1968.
“J. W. Ariyapala Gurunnanase of
Hirewatta, Ambalangoda learned the Kolam dance (drama) and mask making also
from his grandfather Juvan Wadu Ondiris de Silva Wijesooriya, Wadu Arachchi
Mahatmaya (Mr. Master Carpenter) and taught three of his sons the said drama
and mask making.
Kolam drama group of Ariyapala
Gurunnanse comprises the following:-
J.
W. Chandrasena Wijesooriya (this name is incorrect. It should
be Bandusena), J. W. Chandradasa Wijesooriya, J. W. Mahindapala Wijesooriya,
H. Wimalaratne, H. Karunasena, R. M. Chandradasa, H. Tillakeratne and R. S.
Odiris de Silva (Goonatilleke, M. H. 1968:8-19)
4.3. Karaliye Kolam: Discussion with Kanchana
Wijesooriya and Manoshika Wijesooriya
The
discussion was held at Mrs. Kanchana Wijesooriya’s Ambalangoda on
14.01.2015.
“It was my father Mr. Bandu
Wijesooriya who made contribution to the Kolam art following Ariyapala
Gurunnanse. The art was not the livelihood of my father. He worked as a
dancing master first at Telijjawila Central College and next at Devananda
College, Ambalangoda. In the mean time, he was engaged in paddy and
coconut trade. My mother born in Batapola comes of a business family. We lived
in Matara. Tellijjawala when we were still children when Bogoda
music clan was having close ties with my father. Then we came to live in Batapola
when my father was teaching at Devananda College, Ambalangoda. He
was a leftist and was disheartened due to facts such as lack of a regular timetable.
By this time, he had already acquired a
broad vision with regard to art following his close association with artists
such as Chitrasena. It was at this time he was involved in business.
My grandfather Ariyapala
Gurunnanse lived in Hirewatta and by then he had already started
making masks and selling them. Mrs. Leela de Mel, my grandmother had a
skill in business and they had a walled house. Master Ariyapala was
skilled not only in mask making but also in a number of other crafts and skills
such as astrology, partitioning houses, exorcism, devil dance etc. At
grandfather’s there were always pots of curd, sweet meat, vegetables etc. he
got as presents from his clients. As needs were few those days they led a posh
life. Grandmother bent on business where as grandfather’s art was turned a
business by herself. My grandfather and my father were engaged in art not for
money. But today we cannot do like that. Our lives have become highly complex
and accordingly our needs are also many and varied. Today we cannot go on with
it free of charge.
During the period 1993 – 1994 my
father held exhibitions at many campuses free of charge. My father who charged
only the cost of travelling and food did not want to make money out of it. Even if a mask got damaged he did not claim
anything and he spent his own money on it. Even at present many a man expects
free of charge we cannot do it.
My grandfather solely depended on
mask making. However, it was because of my grandmother that he was able to
commence a mask business and to buy a piece of land from Ambalangoda and
to economically prosper. Accordingly, today one of my father’s younger brothers
(Mahindapala Wijesooriya) owns a supermarket and tea estates. His other
brother (Bhadrananda Wijesooriya) is an owner of a filling station, a
number of tea estates and cinnamon lands. There are two aunts. All of them are
skilled in dancing. But they do not take part in the art. The mask factory was
divided among all the children by grandmother. Each is given an equal share. I
am also getting a share. It is enough for my expenses.
About 25 years ago, when my father was
in paddy business one German professor called Volfgen who came to Batapola
paid a visit to our house in Batapola. He had travelled throughout. Sri
Lanka and had studied Kolam. First, he visited my grandfather who
directed him to my father. My father who had a discussion with this professor
and his 25-member group deep into the night decided the following day morning
to give up rice mill and other industries and devote his life to this art. With
his decision to devote himself to mask making and once the German group was
convinced of the need of a mask museum he could get aid from them to establish
one. Then there arose some obstacles. To overcome them they had to resort to
trickery such as disguise themselves as some other party and then the German group
was convinced of the true state of affairs. Subsequently the museum was founded
and then German government gave aid to acquire a building for a dancing school.
As my mother, also comes of a business family she could manage father’s
business activities taking a correct approach.
In our family, we are the only
children, myself and my elder sister. Generally, it is not the tradition for
female to act in Kolam drama. My father (breaking the tradition) gave us
an opportunity to play the Rāssa in the Kolam drama. The incident
led to an uproar. Thus, Lenchina, Etanahāmy and Surabāvalli were
such female roles played by us. My father did not fix a rate for tickets. In
the year 1996 Hon. Amarasiri Dodangoda, the Minister intervened between the
work and with the assistance of Janakalā Kendra, Battaramulla,
throughout the country Kolam performances were held and it acquired a
great popularity through these effort.
Even at Lionel Wendt, Colombo a Kolam
drama performance was held by my father. A vesatta (mask) was tied to tables
placed on the stage. The performance was shortened to two hours. The drama
consisted of “pūrva ranga” (pre- performances) and “gama katāva” (folk
story). For some characters masks were not worn. I still remember one of the
items I played at urban council Hall, Ambalangoda when I was studying in
year five. The drama comprised many natural scenes. We also made performance in
it.
4.4. Karaliye Kolam:
It
is monotonous for the audience to hear singing one and the same rhythm at a
stretch for a long time. A characteristic feature of the Karaliya Kolam
is to soften a rough singing. Though in case of performance of a “Kolam
Maduva”(structure erected and the performance itself) no regular lighting
system is common. On the other hand the Karaliye Kolama depends on a
systematic lighting. In case of Kolam drama the artist enjoys much
freedom but in Karaliye Kolama he/she has to depend on steps which are
usually given by somebody. In the Kolam artists use “vesatta” ( pandol made
by leaves) to hide themselves from others. However, here it is replaced by
curtains. Kolam drama performed on stages erected in coconut groves by
the coastal belt of southern and western Sri Lanka some people used to arrange
a “vī bissa” (heap of paddy) to suggest the rural environment but we removed
that item/or actually we replaced it by a canoe. Thus we created a seashore on
the stage. In order to get blessings at the beginning we only made the “pahan
päla”. (Structure of oil lamps) The performance was reduced to two hours.
Only the “pūrva ranga” (pre performance) was held. No “Kolam Katā”
(stories) were adopted. Old lyrics were used employing new rhythms. While the
chorus participates in saying verse they also suggest by means of gestures the
features of the ensuing cast. For Karaliye Kolama parts of pre
performance up to arrival of the king was used.
A group which comprised Amalka
Wijesooriya, Manoshika, Chamara, Baddiya Liyanage, Samanta
Karunaratne, Chaturi took part. Chorus and both the dancing group comprised
eight members each. To date only two shows have been staged. The first show was
held at Tower Hall, Colombo free of charge. Though a good number of those who
are engaged in the field of arts and University only a handful of them was
present. Ordinary spectators who watched the Kolam highly praised it.
Traditional artists did not tolerate it. Intellectuals seem to have rejected Karaliye
Kolam even without seeing it. We did not use loudspeakers. Just to produce
the sound of the guitar a small loudspeaker was used. The day our Kolam
was performed Air condition of Tower Hall was out of order. As a result,
the cast had to speak louder in order to surpass the sound of fans.
The
second performance of Karaliye Kolama was held at Town Hall Ambalangoda
and at this occasion, tickets were sold. Though ordinary lovers watched it even
artists of puppetry did not come.
If we are to play the Karaliye
Kolama again it needs at least six month training. Still we receive
requests for traditional Kolam performance. It costs 1.5 lakhs. Taking
the Kolama to the theatre was initiated by my father Bandu Wijesooriya.
As there were two daughters alone in the family my father had to break
tradition if he were to continue the art. Accordingly, he had to take females
even to the stage.
5. Economy of Mirissa and Udupila
clan
Mirissa is a town that lies
between the two towns along the Galle, Matara highway. At present, it is
popular as a tourist resort. It dates back to a distant past as a fishing
village. Interior is abundant in coconut. Even cinnamon cultivation flourished
during colonial days. Weligama is located between the latitudes 50 561
45” North and longitude 800 271 35” East.
5.1. Udupila Clan:
In the village Udupila of
which history goes back to a distant past such as 300 – 400 years in addition
to mask making which is linked with Kolam drama there prevail to date
Sinhalese traditional games such as ancient “Pora Pol gäsīma” (sport
played with coconut), “An Keliya” (sport played with hones) Pora Pol
gäsīma is played between two villages called Udupila and Yatipila.
Yatipila is the village of Karava caste whose profession is
fishing. Udupila is the village of Durava caste whose profession is
based on industries connected with coconut. These two villages divided by the
highway running through it. The folk sport called “Pora Pol gäsīma (playing
coconut) survives to date at this village. At the place, called Polpitiya
(ground of coconut game) situated in this village this sport is held either as
an annual event or at several occasions even at present.
It is through these folk games that
at village Udupila Kolam drama and mask making begin. Residents of the
village who take part in a folk sport such as Pora Pol gäsīma and An
Keliya during the day very often do so in order to make offering to gods
and invoke their blessing. At this occasion in the name of the gods a god dance
is performed. It is held from sunset till sunrise. While this “god dance” is
performed at a public place in the village from evening till morning even Kolam
drama is also performed for spectators. According to the opinion of the native
physician P. Senaratne, the present chief of this clan, it is owing to
the above purpose that Kolam drama tradition and the art of mask making sprang
up in the village Udupila. There were twelve owners of original Kolam
masks. i.e.
1. Mr.
Don Bastian alias Babun Vel Vidane
2. Mr.
Luvis Hāmi Amarasinghe
3. Mr.
Juvanis Appu Amarasinghe
4. Mr.
Bandara Watte Babun Appu
5. Mr.
Kanturu Gewatte Babun Appu
6. Mr.
Bandanage Ruppe Kalu Appu
7. Mr.
Tundamulle Andiris Appu
8. Mr.
Polhenagewatte Themis Hami
9. Mr.
Kanankayagewatte Thediyas Appu
10. Addarawatte
Mahā Ganinnaha Gurunnanse
11. Addaragewatte
Siriya Gurunnanse
12. Addaragewatte
Babuse Gurunnanse
The
pair of masks first made and used for Kolam drama by this group was
subsequently controlled by three individuals, Dīna Appu Amarasinghe
“Police Officer Rālahāmi” the son of Don Bastian alias Babun Vel Vidane,
Pieris Appu Amarasinghe Veda Rālahāmi, and Charlis Appu Amarasinghe.
As
the painted surface of the pair of masks of Udupila turned bare and half
destroyed when it was in the possession of the second generation the two
individuals Martin Amarasinghe and Charlis Senaratne entrusted it
to the artist Diyonis on 1 January 1959 for repair at the cost of Rs.
800/- on the agreement that it will be used for Kolam drama. In the mean
time a society called “Udupila Kala sangamaya” was founded at Polhena
Kade at Udupila led by them. It was this society that raised Rs.
800/- to meet the cost of repair of the pair of masks of which sum was
collected from eighty members at the rate of Rs. 10/- each.
Establishment
of the society, “Udupila Kalā Sangamaya” (Art society of Udupila) in
January 1959 can be regarded as a turning point of the Udupila Kolam
drama clan. This organization undertook its maintenance. A number of decisive
resolutions were taken so as to preserve this traditional heritage of Udupila
village. Among the suggestions were entrusting Pediris Gurunnanse the
responsibility of training the cast of Kolam drama and entrusting P.
G. Moudiyas Appu Gurunnanse guiding dialogues. Further this art association
agreed to entrust Mr. Martin Amarasinghe to keep all the repaired masks at his house. Even today at Mr. Martin
Amarasinghe’s residence there are about 100 masks of various kinds
belonging to about 70 Kolam dramas which this clan owns. The most significant
feature of the collection is that it contains the oldest and the rarest
traditional mask called “the panchanārighata” (owe with five faces of
women).
23rd of May 1959 is a memorable
day of the Kolam art. It was the day when a highly colorful Kolam show
during a period of five days was held with the assistance of the Venerable Tiranagama
Ratanasara Thero sponsored by the state and the artists trained by Udupila
Kala Sangamaya. The Ven. Ratanasara says that it cost Rs. 15000.
“It
was after a number of years that spending Rs. 15000/- and having erected
huts and camps a national Kolam drama show was held with pomp and glory by the Eksat
Kalā Mandalaya for five days.” (Gunawardana, Anura, 05 December 2012)
To
make the above account which is based on the article published by Anura
Gunawardana in the Divayina more comprehensive I give below facts I discussed
with Lokuhettige Kularatne and Martin Amarasinghe at Udupila
on 24.05.2014.
“Kolam
art of Udupila is linked with the sport Pora Pol. Before
commencement of Pora Pol “sanhinde vatāvat” (practices and duties in small
temple of god) are performed. Pora Pol is played by two teams Udupila
and Yatipila. The coconut thrown by a player to his opponent must be
broken by the latter by means of another coconut while it is held in his hand.
For this purpose it is not the average coconut which is used but a special kind
of coconut, i.e. one with a stronger shell is used (pic.8.7). If the coconut
thrown or the one which is used to break the other one is broken the one whose
coconut is broken has to leave the play. Like this it goes on. The winning side
always offers the win to the defeated side. Both sides then end the play and applaud
with shouts saying “Ho! Ho! We won Pora Pol!” and they go in procession.
After that at night, the Kolam drama is held. Kolam group of Mirissa is
a one handed down from generation to generation. The son of the one who played
the role “ārachchi” has to undertake the same role as his father did
after his father. Entrusting a role to someone else is considered as a disgrace
on the one who is entitled to it. But today this tradition is no more in force.
Anyone can perform any role now. In consequence, some families find fault with
the new procedure.
The
role “Arachchi” of the present Kolam group is played by Selvin
Vidānaārachchi (72). Justin Senaratne (64) plays both ārachchi
and rāssa roles. Anil Amarasinghe (52) Rāssa Kolam and Gamini
Senaratne (54) play both Karapita Kolama and kind Maname Drum
is played by Jayalatgama Edwin. Even for Mirisse Kolam,
drum is played by the people of Berava caste of village Jayalatgama.
In the past, we held at several occasions Kolam dramas at Universities. Our
object is just to change only what we incur and present a traditional Kolam
drama. We do not think that we must sell this art.”
6. Analysis:
As
information reveals Ariyapala Gurunnanse’s clan of Ambalangoda
and Udupila clan both possess a long history. Both these groups must
have begun this art simultaneous with each other. Ambalangoda group has
made his art an industry within a short period. Ariyapala Gurunnanse and
his successors were able to produce masks one of the major features of Kolam
which is and to develop it as a major industry and to gain authority of the
mask market. Juvan Wadu clan has achieved such great prosperity, which
owes to both commercial and cultural capital. Ambalangoda is a swiftly
grown up commercial town. Due to factors such as having been located in the
town Ambalangoda and the economic security gained through their
association with the process of commercial activities Juvan Wadu clan
become one of the most prosperous families in that town. As soon as the arrival
of tourism, they were also able to reap harvest out of it too. To do so the
knowledge of English, business skill and political affiliations helped them. It
is due to their economical stability that Kanchana Wijesooriya who had
studied Indian dancing in kerala province in India and Manoshika
Wijesooriya having obtained a degree in aesthetic studies from Colombo and
serving as a dancing teacher in St. Joseph College, Colombo were able to
perform a research such as Karaliye Kolama by spending a capital of 6
lakhs. They seems to be taking an attempt at adapting this folk art to their
surroundings. As education and aesthetic sense of Sri Lanka is based on feudal
rural and peasantry discipline their attempt is rebuked. But if at all for a
folk drama such as Kolam to survive in a capitalistic economic system set up it
is of course in the form of a drama such as Karaliye Kolama.
However, the position in Mirissa
is entirely different from this they are a people who still derive pleasure out
of folk sports that prevailed in feudal days. Although Galle Road and coastal
regions due to rapid growth of tourism have been developed when one observes a
place like Udupila that the rural areas continue to exist as they were
in the past. They are not anxious to sell their art products. Instead they
intend to protect them. The mask which was conserved by Mr. M. H.
Goonatilleke in 1970 by nailing wooden strips to it and placed it in the
office room of Mr. Martin Amarasinghe’s stands even today as it was.
Compared this with Mask Museum of Ariyapala Gurunnanse, Ambalangoda
is still looks very primitive. Mirissa group has not yet made art their livelihood.
They refuse to give economic value to their art and as far as possible try to
preserve its traditional value. Cultural values of traditional subsidence economy,
which is not mixed up with capitalistic social changes, can still be seen in
them. Factors such as Mirissa are a village and it is connected with
cultivation of coconut and paddy and traditional modes of production such as
fishing are behind this difference.
7. Conclusion:
In
Sri Lanka a number of highly different economic strata were established when
European feudal system and capitalistic elements were superimposed on earlier
caste based feudal system depended on subsistence agriculture. This economic
difference is seen in every field. This different economic system is the reason
for existence of Kolam drama in two forms, i.e. as a folk drama and as a
performing art at one and the same time. One group is developing Kolam
as an industry whereas another group is preserving it as a traditional eritage
because of this different economic system. It is due to there difference in
economy that Ambalangoda Juvan Wadu clan is trying to project
modernism and Udupila clan of Mirissa is trying to preserve
tradition.
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